Test
1 week ago
by Brigitte. I like to read and write about Christian faith and a variety of subjects. I live in Canada.
Young, energetic, and aggressively conservative, J. Gresham Machen had been watching the Fosdick-Macartney duel with rapt attention. For more than a decade Machen, assistant professor of New Testament at Princeton Theological Seminary, had been warning the church of the destructive consequences of modernist theology. In November 1921 he distilled his ideas into a brief, poignant address entitled "Liberalism or Christianity " As the title implied, Machen had concluded that the liberal religion preached by Fosdick and his kind was not simply a variety of Christianity but a different faith altogether. "At every point," he declared, "the liberal movement is in opposition to the Christian message."
... "The cause of spiritual decline was clear to all who cared tyo see. The 'glories of the past' had vanished with the rise of naturalistic, Liberalism, which to Machen's mind was rooted in naturalism, denied any supernatural intervention of God into history. In an effort to accommodate the faith to culture, liberal theology had sacrified 'everything distinctive of Christianity," leaving nothing but a "sordid life of utilitarianism."
Liberalism not only departed from the historic christian tradition on every fundamental doctrine but, most important, denied the value of doctrine itself. Having accepted the premises of modern historicism, liberals believed that creeds were "merely the changing expression of a unitary Christian experience." Fosdick was a perfect example of this tendency: "All theology" he said, "tentatively phrases in current thought and language the best that, up to that date, thinkers on religion have achieved; and the most hopeful thing about any system of theology is that it will not last. In contradistinction to this relativism Machen argued, historic Christianity had always held that creeds were not merely expressions of Christian experience but statements of the facts on which experience was based. Doctrines, composed of historical 'facts' plus the meaning of the facts, were the very foundation of the Christian message. The modernist derogation of doctrine, Machen insisted, separated it from any legitimate claim to the title Christian.
.. Religious authority provided another point of contention The bible, God's inspired and inerrant Word, authorized all genuinely Christian doctrine; but "Christian consciousness' or "Christian experience" provided the touchstone for the claims of liberalism. Machen agreed that experience did have a place in the Christian life; but it was secondary, not primary. ... The facts of the bible, not christian consciousness, stood as the foundation of the faith.
Machen subscribed wholeheartedly to the Princeton doctrine of inspiration; that is, he held that 'the Holy Spirit so informed the minds of the biblical writers that they were kept from falling into the errors that mar all other books." Nevertheless, he allowed some leeway on the question of biblical inspiration.
Liberalism's Christology fell far short of the christian view of Jesus. Modernists denied the miracles, the virgin birth, the substitutionary atonement, and the deity of Christ. While Christians accepted Jesus as the divine Savior who had paid the price of sin on the cross, liberals looked on him as simply an example of moral perfection. but sinful humanity could not be redeemed by the example of a man. The deny the supernatural and the substitutionary atonement was to deny Christianity. (p. 28-30)
The Scottish philosophy of Common Sense had been developed primarily by Thomas Reid (1710-1796) and Dugald Stewart in Glasgow and Edinburgh to refute the idealism of Bishop Berkeley and skepticism of David Hume. Contrary to the thinkers who has followed Locke in claiming that 'ideas,' not external realities, are the objects of our thought, Common Sense philosophers maintained that we can and do know the real world directly through our senses. Ideas, Reid argued, were mental acts, not mental objects. Therefore, to have an idea of any object was to perceive the object itself, not just a mental image. Anyone in the right mind (except, perhaps, a few skeptical philosophers) knew that the objective world, the self, causal relationships and moral principles existed. Without this common sense, life would be quite literally impossible.
Truth, these philosophers maintained, was a single entity, absolute, permanent, and discover-able by all people through all ages. Following seventeenth-century thinker Francis Bacon, they argued that the one sure way to arrive a the truth was through the inductive scientific method. Flights into the fanciful world of metaphysical speculation and hypotheses could never lead to certainty. (p. 34)
The Scottish tradition, in maintaining the reliability of knowledge, provided a firm foundation for Thornwell's efforts to reconcile the claims of science and religion. Like his Northern contemporary Charles Hodge, Thornwell refused to concede the impossibility of Natural Theology. ... Thornwell's epistemological convictions buttressed his doctrine of scriptural authority. (p. 34)
In 1912 Machen delivered a speech--later published as "Christianity and Culture"--that not only revealed the resolution of his crises but in large measure set the agenda for the remainder of his career. The church, he maintained, was facing a desperate emergency precipitated by the secularization of modern culture... The defection from Christianity was rooted in modern culture's apathy or outright hostility to the gospel. Since the universities were the intellectual greenhouses of the nation, the cultural apostasy had to be stopped there or it would not be stopped at all. 'What is today matter of academic speculation," he warned, 'begins tomorrow to move armies and pull down empires. In that second stage, it has gone too far to be combatted; the time to stop it was when it was still a matter of impassionate debate.' (p.46)
But contrary to Hermann, Machen insisted that the biblical witness could no be ignored once Christ was known; if the bible could be proven false, faith woud crumble. History and faith could not be divorced. To Machen's mind, liberalism was intellectually bankrupt. (p. 49)I agree. Liberalism is intellectually bankrupt. You can't even speak with liberals. The moment you bring up facts, logic, doctrine, the Bible, the word, text, they pretty much flush with anger.
Two books that Bryan read during the war, Headquarters Nights by Vernon Kellogg and The Science of Power by Benjamin Kidd, convinced Bryan that evolutionary theory was at the root of the world's problems. Kellogg's work demonstrated the influence of Darwin on German military officers; and Kidd attempted "to trace a straight line from Darwin through Nietzsche to the growth of German nationalism, militarism, and materialism." For Bryan the connection was sealed. The civilized world had gone to war because it had tured away fro the philosophy of the Prince of Peace to a philosophy of Might makes Right based on the Darwinian hypothesis. In 1920 Bryan told the World Brotherhood congress that Darwinism was 'the most paralyzing influence with which civilization has had to contend during the last century.' Nietzsche, who merely carried Darwinian theory to its logical conclusion, had 'promulgated philosophy that condemned democracy... denounced Christianity .. denied the existence of God, overturned all standards of morality... and endeavored to substitute the worship of the superman for the worship of Jehova.' (p. 68)
In subscribing to the Westminster confession of Faith Coffin did not believe that he was accepting the doctrines stated in the Confession. Rather, as he later maintained, 'The formula means to me that under the supreme authority of Christ I receive the confession as setting forth in seventeenth century thought and language the principal doctrines which have grown out of and foster the religious experience of protestant evangelical Christians, and which it is my privilege to teach in the best thought and speech at my command for those to whom I minister.' This interpretation of the subscription vow obviously gave Coffin a great deal of leeway in accepting the confession. Unlike Machen, he saw no difficulty in a loose adoption of the creed. Indeed, Coffin seemed to intimate that no creedal affirmations at all should be required for ordination when he wrote, 'to acknowledge that a man possesses the spirit of god and is equipped to serve the Kingdom, but to hold him unfit to minister in our select theological club because he does not wholly share the views of the majority, seems to me perilously like blasphemy against the Holy Ghost.' In any even, Coffin did not believe that creedal differences should bar one from ministry. There was no inconsistency, he maintained, 'in worshiping and working, or even in occupying a position of leadership, in a communion with whose creed, or ritual, or methods one is not in full sympathy'. (p. 86)
Coffin had adopted the historicist assumptions which had been gaining ground in America in the preceding generation. While for Machen history was a record of facts that remained true for all time, historicist thinkers understood history to be profoundly colored by the historian's perspective. ... Coffin had learned his historicism not only at Edinburgh and Marburg but also at Union. ... In 1892 Arthur McGiffert, Coffin's teacher and then colleague, delineated the assumptions of the modern church historian, stating, 'A sharp distinction must be drawn between divine truth and our conceptions of that truth; that, though the former is always and eternally the same, unchanged and unchangeable, in our conceptions of it--in other words in our doctrines--there has been as real a development as in our institution." Later in the same speech he asserted, 'The historical study of Christian doctrine reminds us that human notions and conceptions change fro age to age, that even the categories of thought undergo more or less of a revision, and it thus teaches us, that, if we will be true to the truth as it has been revealed unto us, we must from time to time adjust our statements to the new conditions.' To McGiffert's mind and to his student coffin's, the shifting patterns of thought throughout history required constant reinterpretation of doctrines. Creeds were only 'man's attempt in the best thought and language at his command to express his religious experience.'... True to the tradition of Friedich Schleiermacher, religious experience provided the ahistorical bedrock of the Christian faith for Coffin. "Religion is experience, " Coffin believed. "It is the response of man's nature to his highest inspirations. It is his intercourse with Being above himself and his world.' Under the rubric of experience Coffin included feeling, intellect, and will, but warned of exalting one of these elements to the detriment of the whole.
Inasmuch as experience provided the foundation of religion it necessarily had to be the basis of preaching. The minister of God was 'not to repeat what others have said in Scripture or out of it; he is to say what he is sure of, because he has experienced it and believes it as he believes himself.' Likewise, Coffin advised his congregations "If any man here is trying to make himself believe anything about God, or Christ, or the bible, or the christian life, let him be sure that he is looking at some man-made view of the Divine, a mere idol. When God's truth comes along, it does its own convincing... Its inescapableness is the test of its diviness." (p. 89-90)
"While some Christians were trying to make peace with modernity through liberal adaptation, others developed more conservative innovations. As the country was struggling through the era of Reconstruction, a new type of millennial thought, dubbed dispensational premillennialism, was winning adherents. Developed primarily by the Englishman John Nelson Darby around 1840, dispensationalism asserted that the history of the world was divided into seven dispensations including the historical "parenthesis" of the current church age. Grounding his theology on a complex literal interpretation of the prophetic Scriptures, Darby maintained that the present era would steadily deteriorate until it ended with the secret rapture of the church and the return of Christ. Popularized by Darby on seven missionary journeys to the United States and Canada from 1862-1877, dispensationalism received its greatest impetus from annual Prophetic and Bible Conferences initiated in 1875 and from the publication of the dispensationalist Scofield Reference Bible in 1909. The founding of the Moody Bible Institute in 1886, the bible Institute of Los Angeles in 1907, and numerous bible schools, gave dispensationalists institutional bases from which to propagate their doctrine.
The rise of the Holiness movement lent further support to conservative Christianity in the late nineteenth century. Springing mainly from Wesleyan roots, the Holiness teachings were also propagated in America by adherents of the more Reformed Keswick and Oberlin movements. Despite the resultant doctrinal variations, all Holiness teaching stressed a literal biblicism, emotional fervor, strict moral conduct, and most important sanctification through the work of the Holy Spirit. Disseminated through camp meetings, conferences, and Holiness denominations such as the Church of God and the Nazarenes, perfectionism became a pervasive theme in conservative theology. Holiness doctrines inspired a dramatic concern for social work among the poor, resulting in the establishment of nurseries, diet kitchens, relief programs, and employment bureaus to help the needy. Through at least the early part of the twentieth century, therefore, conservative evangelicalism and social concern were wedded in an effort to christianize America." (p.21)
Between 1910 and 1915 conservatives of various shades joined forces to publish a series of twelve volumes entitled The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth. Financed by California oil magnates Lyman and Milton Stewart, the works contained a series of essays by British, Canadian and American theologians on such issues as scriptural authority, sin, salvation, the virgin birth, missions, and sabbatarianism. Approximately three million volumes were distributed to "every pastor, missionary, theological professor, theological student, YMCA and YWCA secretary, college professor, Sunday school superintendent, and religious editor in the English -speaking world." These works were more important for their symbolic value than for their contributions to theology: as historian George Marsden has argued, when the term fundamentalist was coined in 1920, "it called to mind the broad, united front of the kind of opposition to modernism that characterized these widely know, if little studied, volumes." In contradistinction to post-World War I fundamentalism however, the majority of the articles in The Fundamentals manifested a nonbelligerent tone. In the midst of postwar polarization many moderates who wrote article for The Fundamentals, like Presbyterians Charles Erdman and Robert Speer, would find their position almost impossible to maintain. (p.21)
"A liberal Baptist preaching by special arrangement in the Presbyterian Church, Fosdick had become increasingly dismayed by conservative intolerance of liberal Christians. Since the close of the war, liberals and conservatives had been sparring on such issues as biblical authority, evolution, and foreign missions. In response to the escalating militancy of the fundamentalists, Fosdick launched a counteroffensive and thereby precipitated the Presbyterian controversy." (p. 9)
"Fosdick specifically addressed all but the third of these 'opinions', contrasting the 'points of view' of fundamentalist Christians with those of their more progressive counterparts. Fosdick allowed that many devout Christians believed that the virgin birth was an historical event, that 'it actually happened; there was no other way for a personality like the master to come into this world except by a special biological miracle.' But, he argued, many others within the evangelical churches accepted another point of view. These Christians held that 'those first disciples adored Jesus --as we do; when they thought about his coming they were sure that he came specially from God--as we are; this adoration and conviction they associated with God's special influence and intention in His birth--as we do; but they phrased it in terms of a biological miracle that our modern minds cannot use.' Likewise, while many evangelical Christians affirmed the inerrancy of the Scriptures and the literal second coming of Christ on the clouds of heaven, others believed the Scriptures were 'the progressive unfolding of the character of God' and taht development, not supernatural intervention, was God's way of working out his will ih the world." (p. 10)
"From 1922 until 1936 the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. was wracked by conflict. sparked by a sermon of Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, a liberal Baptist preaching in a Presbyterian pulpit, the Presbyterian controversy raged for fourteen years over such issues as ordination requirements, the mission of Princeton seminary, and the orthodoxy of the board of foreign Missions. Though at the height of the conflict in the mind 1920's the church managed to hold together, the controversy resulted in a loosening of the church's ordination standards, the reorganization of Princeton theological Seminary, the creation of Westminster theological Seminary, and the eventual founding of the Presbyterian Church of America." (p. 4)
"The Presbyterian controversy was one major aspect of the wider fundamentalist--modernist controversy of the era. In the cultural crisis that followed World War I, differences within the church, which had been developing for over fifty years, exploded. Numerous factors contributed to this disruption. In the intellectual arena, the advent of Darwinism, historicism, higher criticism of the scriptures, and comparative religion all strained traditional modes of thought."While there were many changes in thinking and also in society, strangely, however, the war of the controversy was strangely said to have been one among the "generals". This is probably because among the general population these changes are not so great that they change their view of the world. Most important things stay the same even as the world changes.
The Presbyterian controversy was, by and large, a conflict among generals; it was they who prosecuted the war and they who worked to galvanize a constituency.